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Russia and Europe, 2005.
This paper discusses that Russia will never become an integral part of Europe.
1,810 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 58.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, after the collapse of the once all-powerful communist system in the Soviet Union in 1991, the natural progression seemed to be the prompt absorption of Russia into Europe; however, despite Russia's attempt to adopt a central government, the enlargement of negotiations with the European Union and the fact that most Russians want this integration, it hasn't happened. The author points out that geography is a major reason because (1) Russia, the world's largest country and more than twice the size of the entire continent of Europe, is seen by the European countries to be overpowering and (2) the border countries of eastern Europe--Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Poland-are now strongly anti-communist. The paper contends that the most important reason that this merger has not yet happened is because of (1) the difference in normative values, including psychological characteristics, behavioral patterns and cultural orientations, and of (2) Europe's remaining conception of Russia as an intimidating military "superpower".
From the Paper
"The security issue is two-fold, as well. In fact, there is a growing apprehension in Russia that Europe may come to dominate Russia economically, and may exclude it from the life of Europe and deny Russia access to Eastern Europe and former parts of the USSR, and that a new "encirclement of the Motherland" may start forming. These worries are not limited to the extremist camp and are spreading through the entire establishment of the Russian Federation. Many believe that this will lead to a new division of the continent, which is dangerous to peace and Russian development."
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The Disintegration of Yugoslavia, 2006.
An analysis of the factors contributing to the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the world's attitudes towards the country's situation.
2,354 words (approx. 9.4 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 72.95
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Abstract
When one considers the disintegration of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) one is compelled to explore the questions of why the disintegration was so violent and how does it continue to challenge stability across the rest of the continent and indeed the world? For some the answers are rather surprising and indeed many of them are shocking when the recent and continuing war in the Balkans is seen in its totality. In order to compress the information insofar as one may to fit our allotted space the study has four basic parts. First the historic background, second the triggering mechanisms of the current conflict, third a discussion of the greater reasons, and fourth why the lack of a full settlement of the issues still impacts the world.
Thesis Statement
The Historical Background
The Triggering Mechanisms of the Current Crisis
The Greater Reasons for the Conflict
The Continued Impact on the Region and World
From the Paper
"The new administration has pledged to accomplish these goals however with other issues such as education, tax-cuts and dealing with a troublesome economy the priority for making the changes becomes a shadowy timetable to establish. Many other factors are involved too from the U. S. point of view verses our partners in the Western Intervention Alliance. For example, the time lag that comes into play anytime an administration changes. Add to this the different thrusts in establishing a workable foreign policy and one readily observes the new Secretary of State is indeed going to be a very busy person."
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European Identity, 2004.
An analysis of the problems facing the European Union regarding a national identity.
2,163 words (approx. 8.7 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 67.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the difficulty of the establishment of a European identity, questioning whether any European identity can be formed at all. The paper explains that the present union consists of a large number of member states and all these states have existed for a long time and have distinct national identities. The paper examines the basic question of whether a European demos and identity can be formed and how that will compete with the existing national identities. The paper also questions whether a "new" European identity will change the national identities and if so, how much of a change is really required. The paper presents the belief that the nature of identity for Europe cannot be the same as a national identity, as the nations have been formed through struggle for recognition for a particular culture, history, language and identity.
Outline
Introduction
Policy Making & Agenda Setting
Enlargement
A European Constitution
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The formation of nations can be started from the top of society by the elites, or through different types of social movements or other organized action. In all cases the start of a separate nation involves recognition for a particular national community in the world around the community. This recognition is received by the people who are a part of the group, or are made a part of the group. For Europe to be viewed as a nation, there has to be recognition of some unique features of being a European, and that has to be of history, culture and language. This has to be recognized by the Europeans. The search for cultural unity has to be combined with a search for the unique and separate features of Europe so that the Europeans can distinguish themselves from non-Europeans. This makes it unlikely that there will be a European identity similar to that of a nation. Instead one has to look for a European identity that can exist above the national identity."
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"The Sources of Soviet Conduct", 2004.
An analysis of "The Sources of Soviet Conduct" by George F. Kennan.
1,446 words (approx. 5.8 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 47.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses George F. Kennan's article, "The Sources of Soviet Conduct". The paper examines how this piece of writing helped shape the American Foreign Policy toward Moscow. The paper contends that the article shows a profound understanding of some of the political realities that characterized the international relations immediately after the Second World War.
From the Paper
"The policy of containment appeared from the necessity to fill the prospective void in the relations between the Western powers and its former Soviet allies, as the two parties became clearly involved on different sides of the Iron Curtain. The Cold War implied new rules and conflict regulations, especially given the new weapons characteristics (the Soviets would be producing their first A-bomb in 1949). Although the principle of assured mutual destruction was a policy that had many proselytes during a certain period of time, the policy of containment seemed not only more reasonable, but also more constructive. One of the main theoreticians setting the basis for containment was George Kennan, in his article "The Sources of Soviet Conduct"."
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Russia and Nationalism, 2005.
This paper reviews literature about Russia and nationalism during the Russian Revolution.
965 words (approx. 3.9 pages), 3 sources, APA, $ 34.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that "nationalism", devotion to one's nation, a policy of national independence, has become kind of a "catch-phrase" for extreme patriotism. The author points out that Lenin's view of how nationalism, pride of country, was that it would simply take over and provide momentum for the new nation, which was formed out of the rubble of the October Revolution; he believed that ordinary working people could take power into their own hands and administer complex economic systems through a commune state. The paper stresses that nationalism in its extreme is a brutal political policy, where the head of government institutes strategies such as Lenin and Hitler did.
From the Paper
"The Bolsheviks believed that they were "to be part of an international proletarian revolutionary movement." They were counting on their revolution in Russia sparking "similar revolutions throughout Europe," Fitzpatrick wrote. The Bolsheviks believed during the Civil War in the middle of 1918 that this was a "class war" (63), in international and in domestic terms. It was, to the Bolsheviks, a war against the Russian bourgeoisie brought by the Russian proletariat, and a war of international revolution "against international capitalism"."
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Ukraine Politics, 2005.
An examination of issues regarding Ukrainian integration into NATO and the EU.
4,321 words (approx. 17.3 pages), 15 sources, APA, $ 114.95
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Abstract
This paper provides an overview of the history of the Ukraine for the past 15 years. The paper points out that this history helps understand the current political situation in Ukraine and the hurdles it faces before fully integrating into NATO and the EU.
From the Paper
"Communist experience of Ukraine was the main break factor which prevented country from integration to Europe, free equal trade with western and eastern partners, military reform and other essential reforms of civil state. Pro-Russian parliamentarians, who were former members of the Communist party continued to be loyal to Russia and Russian domination in Eastern Europe, so they did their best in order to keep "warm relations with big brother" and did what Kremlin wanted them to do. For a decade Ukrainian politicians were lost what side to support: Russia's or the side of Europe. As a result of such corruptive and selfish political management Ukraine became backward country with ruined heavy industry and collapsing agricultural sector. Inflation reached unbelievable rate (100 000 % if compared to 1991) and average salary in the year of 2004 was approximately 100$ . But the problems of the country were not limited only to economical problems."
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